The purpose of this study was to examine and explain Sweden?s defence and security policy during the twenty-first century. The method that was used in this research was a case study. The material that was used were government documents focusing on this area of policy, and numerous books concerning the theoretical perspectives on international relations and defence security policy. The study is of an explaining art and the analysis explains Sweden?s security and defence policy during the twenty-first century. The analysis explains this by testing it against a liberal and a realist view on international relations. The conclusion of the study is that Sweden?s defence and security policy has been liberal during this time period ? and still is.

This study uses European researcher Tomas Valasek?s hypothesis about factors required for defence cooperation in order to achieve conditions which can be successfully applied to the Nordic defence cooperation NORDEFCO. The study uses only Norway and Sweden on the grounds that they are the original actors and the driving forces behind the defence cooperation. The factors studied are; the countries' strategic culture, solidarity and trust between countries, similarity in military forces, if similar conditions prevail in the defence industry and if the intentions of cooperation have been clarified.Mainly government documents in the form of propositions, orientations and defence documents are studied, together with previous research in this area and, especially, interviews with representatives of NORDEFCO at military level and policy level as well as outside perspectives from the military attachés in each country. With the intention of studying the extent to which the factors Valasek features may prove to be significant in assessing the conditions for enhanced cooperation in NORDEFCO, the study raises the question of how it is possible to find expressions for the factors.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the Swedish relations to Nato and by doing so see on what terms the cooperation is executed and why. However, Sweden is not a member of Nato and is thereby not seen as an ally of the organization but even so Sweden has a close cooperation with Nato. The theories used in this essay is The Rational Actor Model and The Organizational Behaviour Model by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow. To this a number of additional theorises are used as to complement these two main theories. The aim with these theories is to see which one gives the most satisfying explanation of the Swedish strategy to cooperate with Nato and still not be a member of the alliance or if all theorises are needed.

This study deals with one particular instance of foreign policy change in Sweden; The political take-off for enhanced Nordic Defence and Security Cooperation in the beginning of the 21st century which led to an agreement on a Nordic declaration on slolidarity. The aim of this study is to explain why the political development has undergone a rapid upturn and when such a policy change occur. Its purpose is to explain what factors and conditions that influenced the policy change. It also explores the meaning of the Nordic Declaration of Solidarity. The theoretical point of departure is Foreign Policy Analysis combined with John Kingdons policy-window theory.

There are changes in Sweden's foreign policy, and Sweden is no longer a non-aligned and neutral nation. Sweden has expressed a willingness to actively participate in creating peace and stability in the world by giving and receiving military assistance in case of war, crisis or disaster. This is described as complete turnaround in Swedish policy compared to the neutrality and non-alignment during the Cold war.However new research shows that defence cooperation is not new in the Nordic region. Sweden cooperated secretly with Denmark and Norway, two NATO countries, about co-operative defence of Scandinavia during the Cold War.Is our historical picture wrong and what we perceive as new and revolutionized not particularly new? Is today's open Nordic defence cooperation a continuation of what was done in secret during the Cold War? The essay investigates and compares two different Swedish defence cooperation?s where one was previously secret and the other is open.

The transformation among armed forces in Europe is a consequence due to shifted security perspective and the growth of international security actors, such as NATO and the EU. Sweden has played an active role in EU to ensure its influence in forming the security policy for the organisation. Some studies mean it´s because of Sweden?s interest in strengthen EUs roll as a security actor they transformed their own armed forces to be able to take part in international operations. This transformation led to what can be called ?the Swedish defence dismantle? and some studies mean that it has led to the point where Sweden completely lacks the ability to defence themselves.The question is if the ambition to become an active member in these security organisations can explain all the decisions made throughout the Swedish defence-transformation, or if some decisions were made due to other factors?By studying the decision process leading up to the decision to locate the flight education to Malmen in Linköping this study seeks to answer why the decision was made.

Abstract  Title: Från neutralitet till öppenhet? ? En studie av säkerhetspolitikens utveckling i Sverige efter kalla krigets slutAuthor: Jens KindhSupervisor: Patric LindgrenLinnaeus UniversityDepartment of Political ScienceSpring term 2012 When the Cold War ended, a new security situation was unfolded in Sweden. The purpose of this thesis is to describe and compare how the Swedish security policy is organized and how it has changed since the Cold War ended. To do that, I?m going to try answer the following questions:How is the Swedish security policy organized?What defence resolutions have affected the Swedish security policy after the Cold War ended?How has different political actions made its impact on the Swedish security policy after the Cold War ended?My theory is to try explain how the Swedish security policy has changed after the Cold War through a realism security perspective called traditional security, which refers to a realistic construct of the states security policy.

This paper aims to analyze if ground based air defence of the Swedish Defence Forces is sufficiently equipped to protect units serving abroad. The Swedish ground based airdefece has its roots in the era of the cold war but the focus of Swedish Defence Forces has shifted from defending Swedish territory to peace keeping and peace enforcement in foreign countries. First I will take a look at the base factors for ground based air defence units serving in a peace keeping or enforcing mission and then use this to define what abilities you would like to have in a ground based air defence system. Finally I will compare these abilities whit the abilities of the ground based air defence systems that are in use whit the Swedish Defence Forces.My conclusion is that the question can´t be answered on a generel level but every mission has to be analyzed individualy.The author of this paper is Cadet Tobias Jönsson studying at the The Armed Forces Technical School to become an officer in the Swedish Defence Forces..

The ambition of this study is to examine the discussion surrounding the Swedish participation in the European security- and defence policy. By forming feasible areas of arguments the goal is to gain further comprehension in the case of Sweden. These arguments are formed in close relation to the empirical sources; With less public funding there are economic aspects of cooperation, this could also be related to Swedish the industry of defence systems; A high level of participation in the UN is a tradition in Swedish foreign policy, the European battle groups are the perfect tool to further strengthen the UN ability in conflict management and peace keeping missions; Outside the EMU Sweden could face the political margin, to retain influence a high level of activity ought to occur in the integration process; Finally, the future position of United States and NATO is not clear, Europe needs an capacity apart the US to contribute to lasting peace and stability. The arguments are close related to each other, but the main argument is to through ESDP create a tool that will strengthen UN, there is also a wide range of economic arguments related to the industry..

The European union started as an area of economic cooperation, but has developed into an area of cooperation in many legal fields. There are these days even cooperation when it comes to dealing with criminals. There is a new procedure called the European arrest warrant which goal is to make the extradition of criminals between the different member states in the European union more efficient. Sometimes when a state receives a European arrest warrant they have to extradite the person in question without doing any investigation of their own. The procedure is based on the principle of mutual recognition.

This essay aims to explore the development of the common foreign and security policy within the European Union as well as the recent addition of the post of High representative in the field of the common foreign and security policy. This essay will attempt to achieve this trough exploring the questions; how have the aim of the European foreign policy developed, how the forms of cooperation has within this field developed and finally what impact will the recent addition of a high representative for the common foreign and security have. My aim is to answer these questions with the help of neo-functionalism.The results that came out of this essay point to the direction that the neo- functionalist premise about spill over effects and the notion about increased supranational influence turn out to have some validity in them. The study has shown that during the time the cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy have developed it is possible to see that supranational institutions will gain influence when the scope of integration within a policy area widens and deepens..

The world is increasingly coalescing, ecologically, economically and culturally. Many problems can no longer be solved within the own state borders and the limitation of the territorial state is obvious. Jürgen Habermas means that a world domestic politic without a world government is what this progress need. Therefore it is important that national interests become less central and the solidarity between people is given priority in international relations. The focus of this thesis is therefore a critical discourse analysis of the current position of the internationalisation of Swedish security and defence policy.

For organizations that handle sensitive information, IT governance and information security are necessities in order to maintain credibility and to conduct its business efficiently. There are several known processes to increase security governance ? which is a fusion of information security and IT governance.This master thesis examines if organizations use recognized processes and if it in that case would lead to higher security. The study is qualitative and conducted in the financial sector and based on Best Practice frameworks of the security governance in Swedish banks. Data collection was done through interviews and surveys that were triangulated to get a gathered picture of the quality of the security governance activities.

The theory of ?security communities? is generally understood as ?dependable expectations of peaceful change? between groups and whether or not the African Union can be said to meet that criteria has been contested in the research community. One of the central disagreements lie in the nature of the region?s conflicts, of which a majority are intrastate but with tendencies of transnational involvement. This paper seeks to understand how extensive this involvement is and how it affects the possibility of classifying the African Union as a security community.

In his recent article Professor of International Affairs Charles Kupchan claims that Party Politics has become increasingly important for American Foreign Policy since the end of the Cold War. This assertion makes it valuable to assess how the substance of the Foreign Policy differs between the two American parties in various cases and if this difference is characterized by consistency or by change. In this thesis I examine these Party positions in relation to the European Security Policy.In order to examine this I compare the positions of the Democratic and Republican Parties? policy concerning both the European Defence Community (EDC) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The purpose of this thesis is to examine the hypothesis that the Democratic Party to a higher extent than the Republican Party is more concerned to maintain good relations to Europe respectively EU.The results show that there are small indications that my hypothesis concerning the two parties is valid.